In the last years presidential primacy, so indispensable to the political order, has turned into presidential supremacy. The constitutional Presidency—as events so apparently disparate as the Indochina War and the Watergate affair showed, has become the imperial Presidency and threatens to be the revolutionary Presidency. . . . The imperial Presidency was essentially the creation of foreign policy. A combination of doctrines and emotions—belief in the permanent and universal crisis, fear of communism, faith in the duty and right of the United States to intervene swiftly in every part of the world—had brought about the unprecedented centralization of decisions. Prolonged war in Vietnam strengthened the tendencies toward both centralization and exclusion. So the imperial Presidency grew at the expense of the constitutional order. Like the cowbird, it hatched its own eggs and pushed the others out of the nest. And, as it overwhelmed the traditional separation of powers in foreign affairs, it began to aspire toward an equivalent centralization of power in the domestic polity.
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency, 1973
Based on the passage above, which of the following constitutional provisions would the author most likely identify as a solution to the problem of the imperial presidency?
A
Congress exercising the power to regulate commerce
B
Congress insisting that it declare war prior to the use of international force
C
The president making stronger use of bureaucratic discretion
D
Congress creating term limits for all members of government